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02.11.2020 Fit in Siegburg am Michaelsberg Several variations on this punishment were invented, such as one where the prisoner was raised onto bricks while being attached and once he Fußball Schalke solidly attached, the bricks were removed, rendering the punishment even more painful. Alaaf of the time, escapes occurred from work kommandosfrom which it was easier to hide. As the blockade increasingly affected the Germans, and as the system of food parcels became established, prisoners — especially the British, and especially officers — were sometimes better fed than the military Inception Stream German guarding them Trautmann Stream the local civilian population. Their daily lives tended to revolve around sport, amateur concerts and plays, lectures, debates, and reading. Die freigegebenen Daten deines Facebook-Profils werden vorausgefüllt.Cineplex Siegburg - Folge uns:
Coaching Dating 17 Single-Party Cineplex Siegburg, Siegburg. Gefällt Mal · 41 Personen sprechen darüber · waren hier. Das Cineplex in Siegburg ist das größte Kino im. Cineplex Siegburg, Siegburg, Germany. likes · 46 talking about this · were here. Das Cineplex in Siegburg ist das größte Kino im. Cineplex Siegburg. Cineplex Siegburg – das Kino mit der größten Leinwand der Region Unser Lichtspielhaus in Siegburg ist ein modernes Multiplex-Kino mit 7. Cineplex Siegburg: Werbung im Kino schalten. Informieren Sie sich ausführlich über Preise, Besucherzahlen und Zielgruppe. Stellen Sie sich die Werbezeiten. profile picture. cineplexsiegburg. Follow. Cineplex Siegburg. Aktuelles Programm unter: hecmontreal-alumni.eu Impressum.There was a special transit camp for Allied prisoners of war at the former Europäischer Hof at 39, Ettlinger Strasse, in Karlsruhe.
This was known as the "Listening Hotel" by the inmates, who recognized that it was a camp devoted to intelligence collection.
These camps were often located in regions where the climate or the terrain made life difficult, but also near the front , where the prisoners might be taken to rebuild trenches or cart away bodies.
The goal of the reprisal camps was to put pressure on enemy governments to ameliorate conditions of detention for German prisoners, and to punish prisoners for instance following an escape.
Life for prisoners sent to reprisal camps was so harsh that many of them died. Robert d'Harcourt describes the arrival of a prisoners' convoy coming from such a camp: "These men — these soldiers — marched, but they were dead; beneath each blue greatcoat was the head of a dead man: their eyes hollow, their cheekbones jutting out, their emaciated grimaces those of graveyard skulls".
The camp guard personnel were divided into two categories: the officers and sub-officers who directed the camps, and the sentinels who kept watch.
This division was also found in the perception the prisoners had for these people, the second group receiving greater sympathy or indulgence. A German adjutant was responsible for prisoners' companies and was tasked with all the administrative measures.
These German officers were most often unsuited for combat and were thus posted to the camps. In effect, they were either too old: "Saw the general commanding the camp: old fogey with black red-striped pants […] and a big iron cross, he limps" [25] or unfit due to alcoholism or war wounds.
Starting with the camp director, a very strict hierarchy was in place. The director gave orders to the sub-officers, who were often young. The prisoners dreaded the latter: "Finally the fourth German corporal, the youngest, Red Baby, a worthy student who did honour to Savage and Steel Mouth, only sought to do harm, always provoking, having several acts of savagery to his name.
Most often, they were part of the territorial army, the Landsturm , and tended to be family fathers who were there only under obligation. Numerous accounts are found regarding their occasional benevolence.
According to the Second Hague Convention, "The Government into whose hands prisoners of war have fallen is charged with their maintenance.
In the absence of a special agreement between the belligerents, prisoners of war shall be treated as regards board, lodging, and clothing on the same footing as the troops of the Government who captured them.
As a general rule, breakfast was served between and am, lunch around am and dinner at about pm. Soup became the symbol of this regimen: it might be made with beans, oats, prunes, beets, codfish.
Bread was replaced by "KK bread" from the German "Kleie und Kartoffeln": bran and potatoes , the ingredients of which remain unclear: potato flour, sawdust or ox blood.
Malnutrition became a daily affair for the prisoner; after the war, many suffered serious digestive problems and adapted with difficulty to a new dietary regimen.
The Allied blockade of Germany played a role in this: from 6 November , Germany was subjected to an economic blockade by the Entente nations.
The military administration responsible for supplying the camps had much difficulty in feeding the troops, considered a priority, which partly explains the catastrophic state of supplies in the camps.
Prisoners were not the only ones to suffer from the situation; the general population was also affected. According to official directives concerning nourishment issued at the beginning of , each week the prisoner was to have ,g of potatoes, g of vegetables at lunch, meat three times, fish twice and g of legumes.
The reality could be far from what these menus prescribed. Not only was the food insufficient, it was often quite detrimental to health: "The other day I saw, in our kitchens, quarters of refrigerated beef of which the smell and greenish tint were so pronounced that our cooks refused to prepare them.
The German head doctor, called to arbitrate, ordered them soaked in a solution of permanganate and, the day after the morrow, this meat, thus disinfected, decorated the ordinary one".
The food served in the camps, often the cause of illness, weakened the prisoners more than it kept them in shape. Only parcels and shipments from charitable bodies including the Central Prisoners of War Committee in Britain , the Vetement du Prisonnier in France , and the Red Cross , allowed them to hang on.
As the blockade increasingly affected the Germans, and as the system of food parcels became established, prisoners — especially the British, and especially officers — were sometimes better fed than the military personnel guarding them and the local civilian population.
Package inspections often gave rise to wasteful scenes:. At the kommandantur everything had been rummaged: the cans had all been punctured or opened, the chocolate broken into little pieces, the sausages cut lengthwise […] I saw them mixing in the same mess kit, or in the same container, meat, fish, vegetables, prunes, biscuits, pastries, jam […] What deplorable waste; it's a crime against humanity.
From the beginning, questions of hygiene posed a problem in the camps, built in haste. The goal was to quickly build a maximum number of installations, which relegated sanitary considerations to the back burner.
Camps in Germany featured only a simple faucet in the yard for thousands of people. Very often, latrines consisted of a simple board with a hole in the middle above a pit, which the prisoners were tasked with emptying at regular intervals.
Because of their basic construction, the toilets often overflowed during powerful rains, making an unbreathable atmosphere prevail in the camps. Diseases such as typhus or cholera appeared very quickly.
The close confinement of the accommodations and the number of prisoners per barrack, on average , partly explains the phenomenon, as the foul air circulated very little.
An official policy of integration of different nationalities mean that typhus tended to spread rapidly from Russian troops, among whom it was endemic, to the French and British who had little immunity to it.
Vaccines were also ordered, and a vaccination frenzy ensued. For instance, Charles Gueugnier was vaccinated against typhus on 28 September , only to be re-vaccinated on 2 and 7 October.
At Merseburg camp, the blankets were de-loused for the first time on 5 June Cemeteries for deceased prisoners were gradually opened near the camps.
It was a point of honour for the survivors to take care of their comrades' final resting places. Most often, each nationality had its own reserved patch.
In certain camps, such as Gardelegen, veritable monuments were erected. Roger Pelletier motivated his comrades: "Doesn't it fall to us, who have known them, to all of us here who are their great family, to raise, in the cemetery where they rest, a monument of the French soul that, spreading above them like an aegis, will be above our dead, when we have left, as a memory and a goodbye?
Also according to Doegen, Russia suffered the heaviest losses perhaps explained by the poorer nutrition of Russians, most of whom did not receive packages from their families with a little over 70, dead, followed by France with 17, deaths, Romania with 12,, and then Italy and the United Kingdom.
In addition, cases of epilepsy and of madness were identified due to physical or moral persecutions undergone in the camps. As for suicides by hanging, throwing oneself onto the barbed-wire fences, etc.
However, based on documents from the Prussian War Ministry covering the years to , Doegen counts suicides by Russian prisoners and by French ones.
Mail was vital for the prisoners of war. Letters allowed them not only to receive news from home but also to ask their families to send parcels and inform them of their receipt.
Every month, a prisoner had the right to write two letters limited to six pages each for officers, and four pages for other ranks , on paper that he had to buy at the camp, and four postcards.
For the German authorities, mail represented a considerable source of pressure; the right to write and receive mail was regularly denied.
In the first half of , French prisoners sent , letters to France; the figure doubled in the second half of the year.
This number fluctuated significantly: 8, such letters between 8 and 24 October , 79, between 22 and 28 November Censorship and package inspections were daily occurrences.
As the rations distributed in the camps were not sufficient to live on, and the prisoners wanted more than biscuits from the Red Cross, they survived thanks to parcels.
Although French and British detainees tended to receive enough food in the mail, this was not the case for the Russians, the majority of whom were condemned to eat from rubbish bins or die of hunger.
In most camps, libraries were opened at the end of October For example, in , the camp at Münsigen received books from the Stuttgart Red Cross.
In , the camp's library featured 2, titles in French and a thousand in Russian. Religious practice had a place in prisoners' lives.
From , prayer rooms were built for Christians, Jews, and Muslims. If no prisoner capable of celebrating services or practicing ceremonies was found, it was prescribed that a German clergyman fill that role on the premises.
Falling foul of camp rules exposed a prisoner to sanctions, which could come about for various reasons: refusal to salute, refusal to answer during roll call, insubordination, possession of banned objects like paper, wearing civilian clothes, escape or attempted escape.
Detention could take three forms. First, the Gelinder Arrest "mild detention" of up to nine weeks simply involved locking up the prisoner, but theoretically with no further deprivation.
Second was the Mittelarrest , lasting up to three weeks. The prisoner could receive nothing from the outside except g of potato bread and a supplement on the fourth day of captivity.
Finally, the Strenger Arrest , lasting two weeks, was similar to the Mittelarrest but included light deprivation. Post punishment would become the symbol of this detention.
The principle was simple: the prisoner was attached to a post, a tree or against a wall, hands behind his back, and had to remain in this position, which prevented him from moving, for a certain amount of time, without eating or drinking.
Several variations on this punishment were invented, such as one where the prisoner was raised onto bricks while being attached and once he was solidly attached, the bricks were removed, rendering the punishment even more painful.
Any act of insubordination justifies the adoption towards them of such measures of severity as may be considered necessary. Sabotage , espionage , sexual crimes , and murder were the most serious crimes, consequently judged by military tribunals.
These could impose the death penalty, which, however, was never used except in the case of four British prisoners shot on 24 June upon the order of two German military tribunals for having killed a German guard during an escape attempt.
Harsher penalties could reach up to 15 years; for instance, this was the term given to two French prisoners who murdered a guard in The tasks shall not be excessive and shall have no connection with the operations of the war.
Of 1,, prisoners, , were employed in agricultural labour and , in industry. The armaments industry, agriculture and mines were the three branches concerned.
Prisoners of war represented an indispensable segment of the workforce. This is strikingly apparent, for instance, with regard to farm labour. In April , 27, prisoners were working in agriculture in Prussia.
Eight months later, their number had risen to , [65] and in December , , While prisoners' labour was voluntary at the beginning, it very quickly became mandatory, organised into kommandos.
The Ministry of War even set daily work quotas. Food was also better than in the camps. The case of Russian prisoners demonstrates just how crucial the need for manpower was.
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between Germany and Russia stipulated that prisoners of war "will be released to return to their homeland".
Although prisoners were forced to work, some refused, which led to severe penalties, going up to prison terms of a year. In Roger Pelletier's memoirs, there is an account of French prisoners suspected of having placed bits of iron into a crusher of grains or beets in order to damage it.
Since their labour was forced, the detainees did not expend all their effort on the enemy: "We worked with a certain constancy and a minimum of effort.
For example, an imprisoned bureaucrat finding himself working in a field gave less results than if a civilian farmer had been given the work.
Prisoners far from their country were, by definition, easy prey for propaganda which, partly oriented toward them, could be classed into two types: that made among the German population; and that distributed inside the camps, which was meant to take effect in France.
When the first prisoners of war were captured, the German Army's superiority was put on display by making them march through towns, which produced scenes of collective hate.
We had to tour the cinemas and the…menageries surrounding the city, for the public would not stop flooding in. They were especially curious to see the troops from Africa.
During the war, this curiosity and propaganda underwent a transformation. Most of the German population realised that the fate of the prisoners of war was shared by their own absent detainees, and, from , the prisoners noted that the visitors' vehemence had cooled.
Little by little a relationship built on understanding developed, as Charles Gueugnier, a simple zouave, noted in his daily diary: "Beautiful day, many visitors around the camp; among this crowd black dominates: grief has driven away their insolent smugness.
All these griefs that pass through, I sympathise with them and salute in them those who have died for their fatherland. Especially, all these little ones hurt me a lot, because it's sad.
Let them give it to the French and let the slaughter cease. Newspapers played an essential role in the propaganda effort. Prisoners needed to know their countries' and their families' situation, a fact well understood by the German authorities.
Several sets of newspapers intended for prisoners were printed so that rumours would spread, in particular through mail to their families.
In order to sap the enemy's morale, each newspaper had its targeted recipient group. For British prisoners, The Continental Times was printed; by , this journal had a circulation of 15, The French and the Belgians had their own analogous newspaper: La Gazette des Ardennes , [81] founded in at Charleville and described by Charles Gueugnier as "true German poison".
This was all the more so because expressions reinforcing the appearance of truth were inserted to convince the detainees, as seen in the 1 November edition of La Gazette des Ardennes , its first issue: " La Gazette des Ardennes will rigorously refrain from inserting any false news […] The sole objective of this newspaper is thus to make known events in all their sincerity and we hope thereby to accomplish a useful endeavour.
Escapes had been discussed by the Hague Convention: "Escaped prisoners who are retaken before being able to rejoin their own army or before leaving the territory occupied by the army which captured them are liable to disciplinary punishment.
Prisoners who, after succeeding in escaping, are again taken prisoners, are not liable to any punishment on account of the previous flight.
Military honour and patriotism were powerful motivators. Most of the time, escapes occurred from work kommandos , from which it was easier to hide.
Escape required great psychological and physical preparation. Going to the nearest town to take a train or walking to the border implied a considerable effort, especially considering that prisoners were underfed.
Moreover, they could not use well-travelled roads lest they be found. A prisoner had to blend in, adopt local mannerisms so as not to appear suspicious, know how to speak German and have credible civilian clothing: "The state of an escapee's soul?
It's not fear. It's tension of the spirit, a perpetual 'who goes there? Officers were more likely than other ranks to attempt to escape: first, from a sense that it was their duty to return to active military service, or at least to divert German manpower into searching for them; second because, exempt from labour and in more regular receipt of parcels from home in which escape equipment was often smuggled , officers had more time and opportunity to plan and prepare their escapes; and third because the punishment on recapture was generally limited to a period in solitary confinement , considered by many to be an acceptable risk.
Certain Germans helped prisoners in their escape attempts. During his second try, Robert d'Harcourt hid in a warehouse, where a German found him.
The latter did not denounce him, instead helping him leave the city that night: "[…] then he guided me across a maze of back-alleys and yards, through which I would never have found my way alone, until the entrance to a street where he left me, not without first vigorously shaking my hand and wishing me good luck.
In effect, the home authorities had to make sure the escape was authentic and not a spy trick. If the operation failed, the escapee was taken back to the camp to be punished.
The frustration generated by failure very often led the recaptured prisoner to develop plans for the next attempt; this was the case for Charles de Gaulle and Robert d'Harcourt.
Of , escapes counted for the war's duration, 67, succeeded. Ever since the Red Cross was founded in , humanitarian societies have played an important role in wartime, and World War I, together with its prisoners, was no exception.
It was first and foremost responsible for feeding them; the distribution of food packages from the Red Cross, most of the time containing biscuits, was highly anticipated.
By December , 15,, individual packages had been distributed and 1, railcars chartered for the transport of collective shipments. The action of the Red Cross and other humanitarian societies was facilitated by their official recognition through the Second Hague Convention: "Relief societies for prisoners of war, which are properly constituted in accordance with the laws of their country and with the object of serving as the channel for charitable effort shall receive from the belligerents, for themselves and their duly accredited agents every facility for the efficient performance of their humane task within the bounds imposed by military necessities and administrative regulations.
Agents of these societies may be admitted to the places of internment for the purpose of distributing relief, as also to the halting places of repatriated prisoners, if furnished with a personal permit by the military authorities, and on giving an undertaking in writing to comply with all measures of order and police which the latter may issue.
The Red Cross, not content merely with helping prisoners, also lent assistance to families who did not know where their loved ones were being held, by ensuring that the latter received mail or money intended for them.
With a daily average of 16, letters asking for information on prisoners over the course of the war, [93] this organisation became a sine qua non. The camps were also inspected by delegations from neutral countries, notably Switzerland , and most often by representatives of the Red Cross.
During these visits, most prisoners noticed a perceptible improvement in for instance food quality, the German authorities seeing to it that the inspectors were fooled.
At the end of the war, the Red Cross took part in prisoners' repatriation, but it also helped initiate prisoner exchanges and internments in Switzerland.
Soldiers were not the only ones made prisoner during the war; civilian populations were also impacted. Historian Annette Becker has extensively studied this aspect of the war.
After the invasion, the German Army started by taking hostages, first of all the towns' leading citizens. From , both male and female civilians aged 14 and over [96] from the occupied zones were forced to work, quite often on projects related to the war effort, [97] such as the rebuilding of infrastructure destroyed by fighting roads, rail tracks, etc.
In short order, the civilians began to be deported to forced labour camps. Becker indicates that their living conditions resembled those of the prisoners — that is, they were harsh.
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The military administration responsible for supplying the camps had much difficulty in feeding the troops, considered a priority, which partly explains the catastrophic state of supplies in the camps.
Prisoners were not the only ones to suffer from the situation; the general population was also affected. According to official directives concerning nourishment issued at the beginning of , each week the prisoner was to have ,g of potatoes, g of vegetables at lunch, meat three times, fish twice and g of legumes.
The reality could be far from what these menus prescribed. Not only was the food insufficient, it was often quite detrimental to health: "The other day I saw, in our kitchens, quarters of refrigerated beef of which the smell and greenish tint were so pronounced that our cooks refused to prepare them.
The German head doctor, called to arbitrate, ordered them soaked in a solution of permanganate and, the day after the morrow, this meat, thus disinfected, decorated the ordinary one".
The food served in the camps, often the cause of illness, weakened the prisoners more than it kept them in shape.
Only parcels and shipments from charitable bodies including the Central Prisoners of War Committee in Britain , the Vetement du Prisonnier in France , and the Red Cross , allowed them to hang on.
As the blockade increasingly affected the Germans, and as the system of food parcels became established, prisoners — especially the British, and especially officers — were sometimes better fed than the military personnel guarding them and the local civilian population.
Package inspections often gave rise to wasteful scenes:. At the kommandantur everything had been rummaged: the cans had all been punctured or opened, the chocolate broken into little pieces, the sausages cut lengthwise […] I saw them mixing in the same mess kit, or in the same container, meat, fish, vegetables, prunes, biscuits, pastries, jam […] What deplorable waste; it's a crime against humanity.
From the beginning, questions of hygiene posed a problem in the camps, built in haste. The goal was to quickly build a maximum number of installations, which relegated sanitary considerations to the back burner.
Camps in Germany featured only a simple faucet in the yard for thousands of people. Very often, latrines consisted of a simple board with a hole in the middle above a pit, which the prisoners were tasked with emptying at regular intervals.
Because of their basic construction, the toilets often overflowed during powerful rains, making an unbreathable atmosphere prevail in the camps.
Diseases such as typhus or cholera appeared very quickly. The close confinement of the accommodations and the number of prisoners per barrack, on average , partly explains the phenomenon, as the foul air circulated very little.
An official policy of integration of different nationalities mean that typhus tended to spread rapidly from Russian troops, among whom it was endemic, to the French and British who had little immunity to it.
Vaccines were also ordered, and a vaccination frenzy ensued. For instance, Charles Gueugnier was vaccinated against typhus on 28 September , only to be re-vaccinated on 2 and 7 October.
At Merseburg camp, the blankets were de-loused for the first time on 5 June Cemeteries for deceased prisoners were gradually opened near the camps.
It was a point of honour for the survivors to take care of their comrades' final resting places. Most often, each nationality had its own reserved patch.
In certain camps, such as Gardelegen, veritable monuments were erected. Roger Pelletier motivated his comrades: "Doesn't it fall to us, who have known them, to all of us here who are their great family, to raise, in the cemetery where they rest, a monument of the French soul that, spreading above them like an aegis, will be above our dead, when we have left, as a memory and a goodbye?
Also according to Doegen, Russia suffered the heaviest losses perhaps explained by the poorer nutrition of Russians, most of whom did not receive packages from their families with a little over 70, dead, followed by France with 17, deaths, Romania with 12,, and then Italy and the United Kingdom.
In addition, cases of epilepsy and of madness were identified due to physical or moral persecutions undergone in the camps.
As for suicides by hanging, throwing oneself onto the barbed-wire fences, etc. However, based on documents from the Prussian War Ministry covering the years to , Doegen counts suicides by Russian prisoners and by French ones.
Mail was vital for the prisoners of war. Letters allowed them not only to receive news from home but also to ask their families to send parcels and inform them of their receipt.
Every month, a prisoner had the right to write two letters limited to six pages each for officers, and four pages for other ranks , on paper that he had to buy at the camp, and four postcards.
For the German authorities, mail represented a considerable source of pressure; the right to write and receive mail was regularly denied.
In the first half of , French prisoners sent , letters to France; the figure doubled in the second half of the year. This number fluctuated significantly: 8, such letters between 8 and 24 October , 79, between 22 and 28 November Censorship and package inspections were daily occurrences.
As the rations distributed in the camps were not sufficient to live on, and the prisoners wanted more than biscuits from the Red Cross, they survived thanks to parcels.
Although French and British detainees tended to receive enough food in the mail, this was not the case for the Russians, the majority of whom were condemned to eat from rubbish bins or die of hunger.
In most camps, libraries were opened at the end of October For example, in , the camp at Münsigen received books from the Stuttgart Red Cross.
In , the camp's library featured 2, titles in French and a thousand in Russian. Religious practice had a place in prisoners' lives.
From , prayer rooms were built for Christians, Jews, and Muslims. If no prisoner capable of celebrating services or practicing ceremonies was found, it was prescribed that a German clergyman fill that role on the premises.
Falling foul of camp rules exposed a prisoner to sanctions, which could come about for various reasons: refusal to salute, refusal to answer during roll call, insubordination, possession of banned objects like paper, wearing civilian clothes, escape or attempted escape.
Detention could take three forms. First, the Gelinder Arrest "mild detention" of up to nine weeks simply involved locking up the prisoner, but theoretically with no further deprivation.
Second was the Mittelarrest , lasting up to three weeks. The prisoner could receive nothing from the outside except g of potato bread and a supplement on the fourth day of captivity.
Finally, the Strenger Arrest , lasting two weeks, was similar to the Mittelarrest but included light deprivation.
Post punishment would become the symbol of this detention. The principle was simple: the prisoner was attached to a post, a tree or against a wall, hands behind his back, and had to remain in this position, which prevented him from moving, for a certain amount of time, without eating or drinking.
Several variations on this punishment were invented, such as one where the prisoner was raised onto bricks while being attached and once he was solidly attached, the bricks were removed, rendering the punishment even more painful.
Any act of insubordination justifies the adoption towards them of such measures of severity as may be considered necessary.
Sabotage , espionage , sexual crimes , and murder were the most serious crimes, consequently judged by military tribunals. These could impose the death penalty, which, however, was never used except in the case of four British prisoners shot on 24 June upon the order of two German military tribunals for having killed a German guard during an escape attempt.
Harsher penalties could reach up to 15 years; for instance, this was the term given to two French prisoners who murdered a guard in The tasks shall not be excessive and shall have no connection with the operations of the war.
Of 1,, prisoners, , were employed in agricultural labour and , in industry. The armaments industry, agriculture and mines were the three branches concerned.
Prisoners of war represented an indispensable segment of the workforce. This is strikingly apparent, for instance, with regard to farm labour.
In April , 27, prisoners were working in agriculture in Prussia. Eight months later, their number had risen to , [65] and in December , , While prisoners' labour was voluntary at the beginning, it very quickly became mandatory, organised into kommandos.
The Ministry of War even set daily work quotas. Food was also better than in the camps. The case of Russian prisoners demonstrates just how crucial the need for manpower was.
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between Germany and Russia stipulated that prisoners of war "will be released to return to their homeland". Although prisoners were forced to work, some refused, which led to severe penalties, going up to prison terms of a year.
In Roger Pelletier's memoirs, there is an account of French prisoners suspected of having placed bits of iron into a crusher of grains or beets in order to damage it.
Since their labour was forced, the detainees did not expend all their effort on the enemy: "We worked with a certain constancy and a minimum of effort.
For example, an imprisoned bureaucrat finding himself working in a field gave less results than if a civilian farmer had been given the work.
Prisoners far from their country were, by definition, easy prey for propaganda which, partly oriented toward them, could be classed into two types: that made among the German population; and that distributed inside the camps, which was meant to take effect in France.
When the first prisoners of war were captured, the German Army's superiority was put on display by making them march through towns, which produced scenes of collective hate.
We had to tour the cinemas and the…menageries surrounding the city, for the public would not stop flooding in. They were especially curious to see the troops from Africa.
During the war, this curiosity and propaganda underwent a transformation. Most of the German population realised that the fate of the prisoners of war was shared by their own absent detainees, and, from , the prisoners noted that the visitors' vehemence had cooled.
Little by little a relationship built on understanding developed, as Charles Gueugnier, a simple zouave, noted in his daily diary: "Beautiful day, many visitors around the camp; among this crowd black dominates: grief has driven away their insolent smugness.
All these griefs that pass through, I sympathise with them and salute in them those who have died for their fatherland.
Especially, all these little ones hurt me a lot, because it's sad. Let them give it to the French and let the slaughter cease.
Newspapers played an essential role in the propaganda effort. Prisoners needed to know their countries' and their families' situation, a fact well understood by the German authorities.
Several sets of newspapers intended for prisoners were printed so that rumours would spread, in particular through mail to their families.
In order to sap the enemy's morale, each newspaper had its targeted recipient group. For British prisoners, The Continental Times was printed; by , this journal had a circulation of 15, The French and the Belgians had their own analogous newspaper: La Gazette des Ardennes , [81] founded in at Charleville and described by Charles Gueugnier as "true German poison".
This was all the more so because expressions reinforcing the appearance of truth were inserted to convince the detainees, as seen in the 1 November edition of La Gazette des Ardennes , its first issue: " La Gazette des Ardennes will rigorously refrain from inserting any false news […] The sole objective of this newspaper is thus to make known events in all their sincerity and we hope thereby to accomplish a useful endeavour.
Escapes had been discussed by the Hague Convention: "Escaped prisoners who are retaken before being able to rejoin their own army or before leaving the territory occupied by the army which captured them are liable to disciplinary punishment.
Prisoners who, after succeeding in escaping, are again taken prisoners, are not liable to any punishment on account of the previous flight.
Military honour and patriotism were powerful motivators. Most of the time, escapes occurred from work kommandos , from which it was easier to hide.
Escape required great psychological and physical preparation. Going to the nearest town to take a train or walking to the border implied a considerable effort, especially considering that prisoners were underfed.
Moreover, they could not use well-travelled roads lest they be found. A prisoner had to blend in, adopt local mannerisms so as not to appear suspicious, know how to speak German and have credible civilian clothing: "The state of an escapee's soul?
It's not fear. It's tension of the spirit, a perpetual 'who goes there? Officers were more likely than other ranks to attempt to escape: first, from a sense that it was their duty to return to active military service, or at least to divert German manpower into searching for them; second because, exempt from labour and in more regular receipt of parcels from home in which escape equipment was often smuggled , officers had more time and opportunity to plan and prepare their escapes; and third because the punishment on recapture was generally limited to a period in solitary confinement , considered by many to be an acceptable risk.
Certain Germans helped prisoners in their escape attempts. During his second try, Robert d'Harcourt hid in a warehouse, where a German found him.
The latter did not denounce him, instead helping him leave the city that night: "[…] then he guided me across a maze of back-alleys and yards, through which I would never have found my way alone, until the entrance to a street where he left me, not without first vigorously shaking my hand and wishing me good luck.
In effect, the home authorities had to make sure the escape was authentic and not a spy trick. If the operation failed, the escapee was taken back to the camp to be punished.
The frustration generated by failure very often led the recaptured prisoner to develop plans for the next attempt; this was the case for Charles de Gaulle and Robert d'Harcourt.
Of , escapes counted for the war's duration, 67, succeeded. Ever since the Red Cross was founded in , humanitarian societies have played an important role in wartime, and World War I, together with its prisoners, was no exception.
It was first and foremost responsible for feeding them; the distribution of food packages from the Red Cross, most of the time containing biscuits, was highly anticipated.
By December , 15,, individual packages had been distributed and 1, railcars chartered for the transport of collective shipments.
The action of the Red Cross and other humanitarian societies was facilitated by their official recognition through the Second Hague Convention: "Relief societies for prisoners of war, which are properly constituted in accordance with the laws of their country and with the object of serving as the channel for charitable effort shall receive from the belligerents, for themselves and their duly accredited agents every facility for the efficient performance of their humane task within the bounds imposed by military necessities and administrative regulations.
Agents of these societies may be admitted to the places of internment for the purpose of distributing relief, as also to the halting places of repatriated prisoners, if furnished with a personal permit by the military authorities, and on giving an undertaking in writing to comply with all measures of order and police which the latter may issue.
The Red Cross, not content merely with helping prisoners, also lent assistance to families who did not know where their loved ones were being held, by ensuring that the latter received mail or money intended for them.
With a daily average of 16, letters asking for information on prisoners over the course of the war, [93] this organisation became a sine qua non.
The camps were also inspected by delegations from neutral countries, notably Switzerland , and most often by representatives of the Red Cross.
During these visits, most prisoners noticed a perceptible improvement in for instance food quality, the German authorities seeing to it that the inspectors were fooled.
At the end of the war, the Red Cross took part in prisoners' repatriation, but it also helped initiate prisoner exchanges and internments in Switzerland.
Soldiers were not the only ones made prisoner during the war; civilian populations were also impacted. Historian Annette Becker has extensively studied this aspect of the war.
After the invasion, the German Army started by taking hostages, first of all the towns' leading citizens.
From , both male and female civilians aged 14 and over [96] from the occupied zones were forced to work, quite often on projects related to the war effort, [97] such as the rebuilding of infrastructure destroyed by fighting roads, rail tracks, etc.
In short order, the civilians began to be deported to forced labour camps. Becker indicates that their living conditions resembled those of the prisoners — that is, they were harsh.
The hostages were sent to camps in Prussia or Lithuania , [98] and some of them remained prisoners until Like the military prisoners, civilians were subject to exchanges, and a bureau for the repatriation of civilian detainees was created at Bern in At the end of the war, civilian prisoners formed an association, the Union nationale des prisonniers civils de guerre.
Wounded prisoners benefited from the Geneva Convention , article 6 of which stated: "Wounded or sick combatants, to whatever nation they may belong, shall be collected and cared for.
In his book, Robert d'Harcourt gives a very detailed description of the treatments practiced on prisoners.
Charles Hennebois touches on a wrenching aspect concerning the wounded. Some of them, instead of being transported to the hospital, were finished off on the field of battle: "Men wounded the day before were calling them from afar and asking to drink.
The Germans finished them off by butting them with their rifles or bayoneting them, then despoiling them. I saw this from several metres away. A group of seven or eight men, felled by machine-gun crossfire, found itself at that point.
Several were still alive, as they were begging the soldiers. They were finished off like I just said, shaken down and heaped up in a pile.
In all, , prisoners were exchanged. During the war, some prisoners were sent to neutral Switzerland on grounds of ill health.
Internment conditions were very strict in Switzerland but softened with time. Only the following illnesses could lead to departure from Germany: diseases of the circulatory system, serious nervous problems, tumours and severe skin diseases, blindness total or partial , serious face injuries, tuberculosis, one or more missing limbs, paralysis, brain disorders like paraplegia or haemiplegia and serious mental illnesses.
Approval for departure in no way meant permanent freedom but instead transfer to Konstanz , where a medical commission verifying the prisoners' state was located.
One clause of the 11 November Armistice dealt with the matter of prisoner-of-war repatriation: "The immediate repatriation without reciprocity, according to detailed conditions which shall be fixed, of all allied and United States prisoners of war, including persons under trial or convicted.
The allied powers and the United States shall be able to dispose of them as they wish. Numerous prisoners left Germany however they could: on foot, by wagon, automobile or train.
There were no scenes of vengeance, the prisoners' sole wish being to return home. Upon their arrival in France, the former prisoners were brought together to undergo medical examinations.
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